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Saturday, 23 July 2016

Melbourne Communities Donate for Displaced and Isolated Victims in Arakan State of Burma

by Habib,

Australian Burmese Rohingya Organization has received donation total amount of AUD 4967 in three occasions from Monash Uni Islamic Society thru Dr. Rizvi Mohideen and other AUD 1700 raised from Rohingya community gathering during EID prayer.  
Food distributions on the ground were done by a registered local organization- "Myittar Resources Foundation" led by Sayar Chit Ko Ko Oo. We targeted to distribute this little donation to unregsitered vulnerable families and isolated villagers only  because they do not receive any ration from any agencies since they are compelled to be unregistered by camp authorities.


The first amount of (AUD 1420) was sent for 50 families of unregistered displaced Myebon township people residing in Sintatmaw refugee camp (opposite of Sittwe city). Each family received: Rice 24 kg, Oil 2 litres, Sugar 1 viss, Condensed milk 1 tin, Traditinal bermicilli 2 packs, Ground net 0.1 viss, Onion 1 viss, Potato 1 viss, Bean 0.25 viss.




Second amount of (AUD 1292) was spent for unregistered 120 families fled from Kyaukpyu township and still living in other Sintatmaw refugee camp (opposite of Sittwe city). Food provided for each family are: Rice, Oil, Sugar, Traditinal bermicilli, Onion, Potato and Bean.



The third donation of (AUD 2255) was sent for isolated villagers of 60 families from Sintatmaw village (opposite of Sittwe city). This villagers are not displaced people but they are isolated from June 2012 and not receiving any kind of food supplies from anywhere..
Food provided for each family are: Rice 24kg, Oil 2lt, Chilli 0.5viss, Sugar 1viss, Noodle 2pks, Onion 1viss, Bean 0.5 viss, Condensed milk 2tin, Soap 4pc, Garlic 0.25viss.



The fourth amount of (AUD 1700) received from Rohingya community been sent for 300 families of isolated and displaced villagers of Apaukwa (Aafok) of Kyauktaw township. Each family received 9.25 kg of rice.


We acknowledge that there are the displaced Rohingya and Kaman people living in 42 locations across Arakan state numbering about 165,000 according to 2013 data, are ending up in systematic confinement in the hand of heavy persecutions since June 2012. Although aid supply and donation could not solve the existing problems, it is also vital to keep their daily survival while aid and food supplies are still in place with various restrictions.

Despite the democratic icon MS. Suu Kyi's NLD party led the government, there is nothing changed for Rohingya and other muslim population. Fleeing through the sea-routes therefore remains only option of escaping from such situation and or dying from starvation in home land.

We, ABRO therefore would like to encourage the Rohingya people and leaders who are in developed countries to actively look after own people who are ending up in homeland.

Tuesday, 12 July 2016

Burma: Rohingya abandoned by NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi

Source Greenleftweekly, July 11, 2016
By Habib
Right-wing Buddhist extremists.
The entire population of Burma supported Aung San Suu Kyi when she fought to get rid of the military dictatorship of Burma (Myanmar) during the 1990s.
She received tremendous support from all communities, including non-Buddhist ethnicities and Muslim communities. No one considered what her policy on other religions and ethnic areas was. People just wanted to get rid of the regime.
Suu Kyi campaigned all over Burma, organising and educating people living in remote areas. She formed the National League for Democracy (NLD), and issued a membership card with her signature to whoever joined the party.
Many Rohingyas, a predominantly Muslim ethnic group, joined the NLD because they were the most oppressed people under the military government. Some were jailed for working with the NLD. They believed Suu Kyi to be the one to restore their livelihoods.
Today, Suu Kyi says she does not know whether the Rohingya people are citizens of Burma. Nowadays, she no longer speaks the words “unity” and “solidarity”.

No rule of law
We would like to see the government the NLD is participating in uphold the rule of law and respect the dignity and rights of the entire population regardless of race, religion and colour.
We call on the government to act in a timely and appropriate manner to ensure the safety, security and dignity of all people and to ensure a free, fair and equal justice system is available to all.
The NLD government must immediately halt all forms of ongoing persecution, oppression, restriction, segregation and vigilante attacks against minority groups; particularly the Rohingya from Arakan (Rakhine) state of western Burma.
We also call for effective action to prevent ongoing campaigns of racial hatred organised by radical groups, such as the ultra-nationalist Buddhist group MaBaTha (969) Association, which is supported by some politicians, ex-generals and their family members, along with Yangon-based Rakhine people.
MaBaTha, led by Abbot Thi Dagu and the radical monk Wira Thu, has been making wide-ranging attempts to destabilise the country's peace and harmony by preaching racial hatred. Such campaigns are illegal and contravene the current law, but authorities have taken no action.

Backing the Buddhist majority
Despite her accolades, Suu Kyi's party has not demonstrated a resolve to protect the rights of the most vulnerable people in Burma. Rather, her party has cleansed itself of all Muslim members who had been NLD members for decades.
Suu Kyi has sided with majority Buddhist opinion. She has been unwilling to address either the Rohingya crisis or other Muslim communities' plight. Conciliation began with Buddhist communities and left minority issues to be dealt with by the military.
Suu Kyi has never visited or shown her condolences to the hundreds of thousands of displaced people who are victims of state-sponsored ethnic cleansing pogroms. Rather she has remained silent and disregarded their plight because they are not of the Buddhist faith.
Since she was released from house arrest, Suu Kyi has picked up medals across the world, adding to her fame — but she stayed away from Muslim countries.
Before coming to power, Suu Kyi blamed the problems of her country on the lack of the rule of law. She also referred the question of the Rohingya to government, saying it is the government's responsibility to ensure the safety and security of the entire population.
Since becoming head of state, Suu Kyi has failed to uphold the same laws she once insisted upon. Suu Kyi has been reluctant to protect the Rohingya people from ongoing racist vigilante attacks. She has made no effort to ease the humanitarian crisis or to lift the restrictions across the Arakan/Rakhine state and minority areas.
Despite ample historical evidence and the recognition of past governments, Suu Kyi continues to ignore the Rohingya people. Suu Kyi, on behalf of the NLD, has even requested the United States ambassador not use the term Rohingya.
This is a manipulation against existing communities who are daily enduring the country's worst crisis. Suu Kyi's actions demonstrate that rather than standing with victims for an inclusive society, she always takes side of those sharing her Burmese ethnicity.
Suu Kyi's actions are difficult to understand. Her stance on a robust democracy has been stained.
The reasons are that, although a global icon for democracy, Suu Kyi has never believed in federalism for Burma, as she knows ethnic minorities do not want to live under the rule of the Burmese.

Backing the generals
The military regime's generals are taking advantage of her dislike of federalism and avoidance of the Rohingya issue. As a result, the generals have been able to gain much needed protection for themselves for the crimes they committed over the past 50 years.
After several meetings with generals, both sides agreed to allow the military to continue to hold three cabinet posts — defence, immigration and border affairs — and the interior ministry, in accordance with the 2008 constitution. Suu Kyi calculated the agreement was the best way to maintain the image of a democracy icon and Nobel Peace Laureate while sharing power with the military. It gives her no responsibility for the Burmese army controlling minority ethnic areas or the Rohingya issue.
Under this agreement, minorities' rights and federal democracy will no doubt be quashed by military power or languish in a parliament dominated by the Buddhist majority. This is evidenced by the recent parliamentary vote against Rohingya citizenship rights.
The Suu Kyi government's support for the military-drafted citizenship law of 1982 is an excuse to exclude the Rohingya. It has since been applied to the entire Muslim population of the country.
Despite the fact that Rohingya have become de-facto stateless people, they still have historical evidence and official documents proving themselves as native people of Arakan State.
However, the central rulers are reluctant to recognise their identities, allow admission of this evidence or provide citizenship rights. For example, the government has released Buddhist political prisoners, but gives no consideration to Muslim political prisoners from the central regions and Arakan State.
Suu Kyi has also appointed two ex-military personnel from Thein Sein's former military government. This action confused and disappointed the followers of other faiths.
Minister for Religious Affairs Ag Ko was the deputy minister of religious affairs under Thein Sein and only favoured the welfare of the majority Buddhist population. And Zaw Htay, who has spread violence across Burma since 2012 via social media, has been appointed spokesperson for the presidential office. That Suu Kyi knowingly appointed these two figures in her cabinet shows what she truly has in mind.
There is no reason for a government controlling the country not to restore and apply the rule of law. Yet today, we still see some politicians, Buddhist monks, famous icons and academics feeling confident to insult non-Buddhist minorities. For example, the Yangon-based actor of Rakhine origin Ne Toe starred in a movie called Stray Grass that openly insults non-Buddhist religions.
In another example, during the middle of the continuing humanitarian crisis in Arakan State, immigration authorities are conducting population checks in accordance with the demands of the Rakhine Buddhist people. At the same time, the government has provided complete assistance for hundreds of Bangladeshi Rakhine settling on Rohingya people's land in Arakan State.
The new NLD government is keeping the rigid policy of restrictions over Rohingya people's movement, health care, education, rations, livelihood and rights. It allows the continuation of segregation, divided law, oppression, persecution and mass killings. This has not only affected the Rohingya, but anyone of Islamic faith and other minorities. There are about 150,000 displaced people locked up inside ghetto camps across 42 locations in Arakan State and about 1 million people who have remained in systematic confinement since 2012. International aid workers are also systematically removed and threatened.
These people's rights have been taken away by the misuse of power. The actions are reminiscent of the treatment of Jewish people in Nazi Germany and are tantamount to genocide. The situation can be improved and resolved if Suu Kyi wishes.

International action needed
In this regard, the Melbourne-based Australian Burmese Rohingya Organisation calls on the international community, the United Nations and its agencies, neighbouring countries and developed countries, including Australia, to pressure the current government to:
• Install equality in laws, a justice system for all regardless of race, religion and colour, and take effective action against incidents of racial attacks and hate speech;
• End all restrictions, oppression, persecution, segregation, attacks and tyrannical abuses against minorities;
• Assist in the relocation of displaced Rohingya and Kaman people of Arakan state and other displaced people from northern regions to return to their villages of origin and provide facilities to rebuild their houses. Return properties and lands seized by Rakhine people and Rakhine authorities;
• Pave the way to equal access to public services such as education, health care and other welfare services;
• Restore citizenship rights for Rohingya and Kaman people and allow for the application for citizenship using access to evidence fairly;
• Stop the relocation of Bangladeshi Rakhine people from Bangladesh into Arakan state; and
• Immediately free all Muslim prisoners including those from Arakan state and central Burma.
We also encourage countries such as Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, Australia, Britain, the US and Canada to scrutinise and block the entry visas of Burmese people who actively preach racial hatred and anti-social behaviours.
[Habib blogs at Arakan Diary and works with the Australian Burmese Rohingya Organisation.]
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Wednesday, 25 May 2016

Leaked Documents Show How the UN Failed to Protect Myanmar's Persecuted Rohingya

Source vice, 22 May
The United Nations failed to protect the human rights of the persecuted Rohingya minority in Myanmar, according to documents leaked to VICE News.
The papers also indicate that UN officials on the ground disregarded multiple recommendations on the rights and security of the group.
The Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority from Myanmar's western Rakhine state, have been subjected to decades of persecution in the Buddhist-majority nation, culminating in massacres in 2012. The violence of that year was described by Human Rights Watch as a campaign of "ethnic cleansing," which involved "crimes against humanity" perpetrated by local mobs, at times with the support of state agencies. A 2015 report prepared by a team at Yale Law School for the NGO Fortify Rights found "strong evidence that genocide is being committed" against the Rohingya.
Myanmar's government confines more than 140,000 Rohingya, who were rendered homeless by the violence four years ago, to squalid camps. Across the state, basic rights such as freedom of movement and access to healthcare are severely curtailed by government measures, while apartheid-like conditions further limit the prospects of the group in the highly militarized northern Rakhine region.
Stripped of their citizenship rights in 1982, the minority are among the world's largest stateless populations. Last year, their plight caught the attention of the international press when boats full of Rohingya and some Bangladeshi passengers were abandoned on the open seas by human traffickers, and mass graves of many of the same "boat people" were found in Thailand.
Perhaps the most damning charge contained in the cache of documents obtained by VICE News is found in a report commissioned by the UN to review the "human rights implications" of the world body's recent record in Rakhine state. The independent study, titled "A Slippery Slope: Helping Victims or Supporting Systems of Abuse?" and meant for an internal UN audience, concluded that the "situation in Rakhine state is forcing international institutions into complicity with systematic abuses" against the Rohingya, partly due to "excessive self-censorship" on rights.
The "current UN strategy of emphasizing development investment as the solution to the problems in Rakhine state," the study said, "fails to take into account that development initiatives carried out by discriminatory state actors through discriminatory structures will likely have a discriminatory outcome." In other words, pouring money into "development" without changing the government-imposed structures that oppress the Rohingya will not solve the problem. The paper added that such schemes are "aimed at mollifying" hostile populations that have targeted the Rohingya with acts of violence in the past.
The authors of the report, which is marked "confidential" and was prepared in late 2015, had access to a raft of internal documents, and they conducted private interviews with dozens of staffers from the UN and international NGOs. It is perhaps the most thorough internal review of the UN's Rohingya policy to date.
The findings of the paper are particularly damning in light of repeated internal warnings about the inadequacy of the UN response, contained in material seen by VICE News.
Watch the VICE News documentary Left for Dead: Myanmar's Muslim Minority:

A report produced by the Office for the High Commission for Human Rights or OHCHR, the UN's leading rights watchdog, in November 2014 observed that serious abuses such as "killings, torture, rape" were "ongoing," and called for "concrete action" to stop them, including the establishment of a UN-designed "human security" system which could prevent future atrocities.
A document from the same time, also obtained by VICE News and marked "confidential," contains the minutes of a meeting of the UN's "Senior Action Group," a high-level body including representatives from leading UN agencies and the Deputy Secretary General, Jan Eliasson.
The 2014 memo records that Eliasson "stressed the need to prioritize preventative efforts... [and] taking a firm stance on Human Rights Up Front," while a specialist within the organization identified "some risk factors associated with genocide" with regard to the Rohingya.
The UN established the "Human Rights Up Front" initiative in response to a damning internal inquiry into its failure to prevent mass atrocities in Sri Lanka during the end of the country's civil war in 2009. Launched by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in 2013, the strategy "encourages staff to take a principled stance and to act with moral courage to prevent serious and large-scale violations" of human rights, and suggests a series of actions that can be taken to ensure this.
The "Slippery Slope" review paper, however, describes Myanmar as a near-rerun of the Sri Lanka crisis, albeit with very different circumstances. "[T]he dynamic of passivity and complicity with state strategies of abuse... is being repeated in Myanmar to an alarming level," it notes in its conclusions.
A section in the document that deals specifically with Human Rights Up Front lists the requirements set out by the initiative in a table, finding that the UN at the ground level had yet to properly fulfill its obligations in every single category.
An end-of-assignment report written by a veteran UN staff member who worked in Myanmar, leaked to VICE News by sources in the US, lays the blame for these failings largely at the door of the country's resident coordinator, or RC. The resident coordinator is the highest in-country role a UN official can occupy, and is comparable to a country's ambassador.
The end-of-assignment report, which takes the form of a letter directed at the author's former colleagues, notes that "I had to conclude time and time again that the RC discarded or simply ignored information that underscored the seriousness of the situation" for the Rohingya. It alleges that the coordinator instructed her staff to undermine other UN agencies that were taking a stronger line on Rohingya rights.
While the letter does not explain why the RC allegedly behaved in such a way, the "Slippery Slope" report observes that the UN country team led by the RC pursued a strategy that valued quiet diplomacy and the belief that "development investment itself will reduce tensions" in Rakhine state, an approach that drew criticism from other agencies in the organization.
The author of the end-of-assignment report goes on to allege in the letter that the Coordinator was insistent on pursuing the strategies she favored and would engage in "bullying, intimidating and discrediting people that had a different view."
'I was instructed to rewrite history'
At one point, the author claims that the RC told them "repeatedly to find out when the Head of OCHA [Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs] and / or OHCHR staff in the country was NOT available... so she could organize meetings at that time without having to listen to [their views]," which did not agree with hers.
The ex-employee's end-of-assignment report also claims that attempts to uphold Human Rights Up Front and the establishment of a human security system as other UN officials had requested were "put in the bottom drawer," as "the RC did not review and/or release the information and analysis provided."
This allegation is seemingly supported by broader observations contained in the "Slippery Slope" paper, which noted that there had been a "failure to implement a system-wide protection strategy," an outcome that suggests a "lack of the kind of teamwork and collaboration demanded by Human Rights Up Front."
The letter also referred to a "prevailing atmosphere of intimidation, non-accountability, and manipulation of information," which worsened in the aftermath of an alleged massacre in early 2014 near Maungdaw in Rakhine state. This event was likewise described in the "Slippery Slope" review as a turning point, which noted that "when the government disputed the facts and denied the massacre, the Resident Coordinator took a more cautious approach, no longer standing by the original allegation."
What followed this reversal, the official contends in the letter, was that OHCHR was effectively blamed for the "tense relation[ship] with the Government," due to its explosive claims of a massacre. This occurred, despite the RC's strong support for the OHCHR report which was privately retracted only after the publication came out.
"I was instructed to rewrite history," the author of the letter complained, referring to a "lesson learned" document drafted in the aftermath of the fallout over the massacre; a section of the piece which dealt with the RC's initial response was allegedly excised on the orders of the coordinator herself.
Watch the VICE News documentary Escape From Myanmar:
When the official confronted the RC about this, a threat was issued: they were told "never to raise this again with her or anyone else 'if you want to continue your career at the UN.'"
"The discrediting of OHCHR continued throughout 2014 and the truth was often distorted vis-à-vis senior officials," the former official further alleged.
Michael Shaikh, the author of an initial UN report into the alleged massacre, told VICE News that he stands by his work. In his view, the UN changed its position on the incident because it "prioritized its relationship with the government over the people that it was in the business of protecting."
Speaking to VICE News, Renata Lok-Dessalien, the resident coordinator referred to in the end-of-assignment report, denied allegations that the UN was failing to uphold human rights. "I don't think anyone has spoken out as loudly as the UN on rights violations," she said. In response to allegations of complicity in abuses, she added that there had been "absolutely no complicity whatsoever."
However, the claim on outspokenness over rights is contradicted by the testimony of a former senior-level UN representative. Tomas Ojea Quintana, special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar until last year, recalled that Lok-Dessalien had asked him personally not to be so vocal on the issue of Rohingya rights, and even not to visit Rohingya displacement camps.
'Everyone became engaged with the crisis, but no one took overall responsibility to come up with a common vision of what needed to be done.'
"She advocated for another approach, which did not include a big focus on human rights but more on development and so on... her advice was not to be so outspoken or to visit Rakhine state," he recalled.
Other UN veterans feel that a critical focus on the actions of the in-country team is misplaced, and view failures at the central level in New York as far more significant. Charles Petrie, whose 2011 report into Sri Lanka helped spur Human Rights Up Front, and who was himself Myanmar's resident coordinator between 2003 and 2007, is among them.
"I see a lot of parallels with what happened in Sri Lanka," he said. "One of the the major problems then was the dysfunctionality of the UN system at the level of headquarters in New York. Everyone became engaged with the crisis, but no one took overall responsibility to come up with a common vision of what needed to be done. The same thing is happening in Myanmar."
A spokesperson for the office of the Secretary General of the UN in New York told VICE News that, contrary to some of the allegations above, "[t]he UN has systems in place that aim to respond effectively to serious human rights violations, as well as to prevent them," and that Rohingya rights abuses were a serious concern, adding "we have proactively spoken up on this issue both publicly and in our official contacts."
However, sources within the NGO community close to events, who wish to remain anonymous due to the risk to their careers, maintain that deep divisions remain over how best to deal with the crisis in Rakhine state.
Those sources also said that the organization has initiated what they called an internal "witch hunt" in response to the VICE News documentary Left For Dead: Myanmar's Muslim Minority, which featured some of the material cited in this story.
Follow Emanuel Stoakes on Twitter: @EmanuelStoakes

Monday, 2 May 2016

Turnbull rejects New Zealand offer to take 150 refugees from detention

Source Theguardian,
The prime minister says settlement in New Zealand would be used by people smugglers as a ‘marketing opportunity’
Malcolm Turnbull has again rejected an offer from New Zealand to take 150 refugees from Australia’s offshore detention centres saying: “Settlement in a country like New Zealand would be used by the people smugglers as a marketing opportunity.”
A spokeswoman for the New Zealand immigration minister, Michael Woodhouse,said on Thursday that an old offer to take 150 asylum seekers a year remained on the table, but he had not been approached by the Australian government.
Turnbull said the two governments were in discussions.
On Friday the immigration minister, Peter Dutton, said the proposal would do nothing but encourage people smugglers to “get back into business” because people with New Zealand citizenship can settle in Australia.
“What we know of Julia Gillard’s deal with New Zealand was that it’s a back-door way to get into Australia, and would have been a green light to people smugglers,” he said in Sydney.
The Papua New Guinea government has declared the Manus Island centre would close after the PNG supreme court ruled it unconstitutional, but has hit an impasse with the Australian government over responsibility for hundreds of asylum seekers who cannot be legally detained.
Both Turnbull and Dutton have couched the debate in terms of national security.
“We can’t afford to let the empathy that we feel for the desperate circumstances many people find themselves in to cloud our judgment,” Turnbull told radio station 3AW on Friday morning.
“Our national security has to come first.”
Speaking to the ABC on Wednesday, Dutton said national security was an important issue “particularly in this day and age” and: “We’re going to make sure that our borders remain secure so that we can keep our community in Australia as safe as possible.”
Anna Burke, Labor MP and former speaker in federal parliament, said the asylum seekers were not a security risk.
“The uncertainty these people have been living in is for four years now,” she told the ABC. “These are people.
“This is unsustainable. The current situation the current government has placed these people in is appalling.
“This is not detention, this is not looking after a situation trying to stop this is deaths at sea. This is indefinite detention and it’s causing great harm to these individuals.”
Burke, who has joined Labor MPs Melissa Parke, Lisa Singh and Sue Lines in speaking out against offshore processing, denied she was speaking out against Labor’s position.
“You can talk about Labor policy all you like,” she said. “We haven’t been in government for three years. What are they doing?”
Turnbull said Labor was “driven by the left” in the Labor party, and the MPs who had broken ranks were driven by competing with the Greens party.
The opposition leader, Bill Shorten, described Labor as being on a “unity ticket” with the Coalition on ensuring the detainees were not brought to Australia, but said the situation was “a train wreck”.
“It was amazing when Mr Dutton said yesterday morning that he and Mr Turnbull had known that this problem had been coming for months,” he said in Melbourne.
“A Labor government is supportive of regional processing. We will not allow the people smugglers to get back in business.
“What we won’t do if we’re elected into government on July 2 is allow a situation of indefinite detention of people on Manus and Nauru.”
PNG leaders and diplomats have repeatedly claimed it was up to Australia to find alternative arrangements for the asylum seekers and refugees who did not return to their home country, go to a third country, or resettle in PNG.
Dutton has held firm that the memorandum of understanding between the two countries left the responsibility for the asylum seekers squarely with PNG.
The former Nauruan president, Sprent Dabwido, has lent his support to Dutton’s suggestion that Nauru could house the extra 400 to 500 men.
In the meantime, detainees on Manus Island reported internal doors were temporarily opened on Thursday night, and guards had stopped performing searches on them.
Free movement was allowed between compounds before it was later restricted on Friday afternoon. From then detainees were only allowed to move between compounds where people had the same refugee determination.
“We can say that we got freedom inside our prison tonight,” said Behrouz Bouchani, a Kurdish-Iranian detainee on Manus Island, after the gates were opened.
“Some of the people are singing and the young boys have a lot of positive energy, they are active,” he said.
“The torturing system completely collapsed today and officers and case managers are only watching. I saw some officers say congratulations to refugees and get them in a hug. All people are happy, this is a big moment to forget the past three years.”
Bouchani said people were discussing where they would now go, with many hoping for New Zealand.

Sunday, 22 November 2015

The Grand Delusion of Democracy in Myanmar

by ABRO,
 
The National League for Democracy (NLD) in Myanmar, led by Nobel peace laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has won the majority of available seats in Parliament according to the official results released by the Myanmar election commission.  International observers claim that after 50 years of military rule, this is a “Transition to Democracy”.  This article will explain why such claim is a Grand Delusion.

Despite this victory, the shadow of military dictator “retired” Senior General Than Shwe hangs over Myanmar. Not surprisingly, the so called “democratic” constitution crafted by the former military dictatorship in 2008, continues to serve the interests of the Junta.  Myanmar’s military dictators have found alternative ways to camouflage military dictatorship as “civilian government”.  They have succeeded in creating this illusion by changing their uniforms, forming a mock parliament and their own political party USDP (Union Solidarity and Development Party) from USDA (Union Solidarity Development Association) and creating an unamendable constitution.  During the military dictatorship, USDA was an association lead by government officials with many of its members coerced into joining the association.  Than Shwe appointed ex-military General Thein Sein as leader of USDP and President of Myanmar in November 2010.  According to the constitution, 25% of parliamentary seats have to be reserved for representatives of the military.  Constitutional amendments can only be made if more than 75% of the members agree to the changes.
 

The election commission itself has been appointed by military generals with a former lieutenant-general acting as commissioner.  As this commission blithely released results indicating Aung San Suu Kyi as leader of the winning party should rightfully be President, legislation introduced by Than Shwe’s military regime in 2008 bars a democratically elected leader like Suu Kyi who has foreign relatives (her late husband and her two sons are British Citizens) from becoming President.  Even if to circumvent this law, Suu Kyi nominates someone to take her place as President, her nominee will be answerable to the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) who have the authority to override certain decisions made by the President.  There is almost no escape from military rule in Than Shwe’s constitutional labyrinth with at least 5 of the 11 NDSC members having to be appointed by the Military Commander in Chief who in turn has to be appointed by the NDSC.
 

Just before the election held on 8th of November 2015, the Thein Sein government announced that the release of the official election results will be delayed indefinitely and power would be handed to the winner of the election by February next year.  These delays give Thein Sein and his military backers further leeway to maintain or strengthen their power base regardless of the election result.  After receiving the news of her election win, Aung San Suu Kyi is reported to have already sent letters to Thein Sein and he has not replied to any of these letters.  There are also reports that Thein Sein’s representative said that, until the election commission has resolved all complaints regarding the election results, talks with the NLD leader will not happen. 


So how do minorities fare in this “democratic” election? Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD party has not contested in some constituencies in the Shan, Kachin and Chin states, as well as other areas of Myanmar which are under military control.  One of the reasons being, the current government has used “security reasons” to prevent elections from being conducted in many of these areas.  In Arakan state, the Rakhine National Development Party’s (RNDP) leader Dr. Aye Maung, the main perpetrator of violence against the Rohingya and other Muslim groups, has made a clean sweep in the election with the Myanmar government barring 1.3 million Rohingya and other Muslim groups from voting.  This provides him with further opportunity to accelerate the expulsion of the entire Muslim community from the state.


The poster child of democracy herself, Ms. Suu Kyi, has taken sides with the majority, ignoring the minorities who have been supporting her for decades.  Her party has ethnically cleansed itself of all Muslim members ahead of the election.  For the first time in the history of Myanmar, there will be no Muslim parliamentarians.  At this moment in time, the person who courageously fought for freedom and rights against Myanmar’s military dictatorship is fearful of losing majority support.  It therefore follows that recent changes in the country are possible signs of the tyrannical rule of the military ending for the majority Buddhist people alone with the pathway to “freedom” being paved exclusively for them.  The exclusion of the entire Muslim community including Rohingya, is a stereotype of ‘majority representative democracy’ or one could even call this aberration a ‘Muslim-free democracy’.


Myanmar’s “democratic transition” is simply ‘old wine in a new bottle’ produced by General Than Shwe and his cohorts.  As the western nations throw their support behind these cosmetic changes they turn a blind eye to the ongoing genocide, the wars in northern and eastern Myanmar and the detention of political prisoners. 
 
The perpetuation of this Grand Delusion of “Democracy” comes at a horrific cost to the people of Myanmar, particularly the Rohingya of Arakan state.

Call to Action:

1) The International Criminal Court (ICC) should investigate the ongoing crimes against humanity and genocide across Myanmar.
2) International communities should create a safe zone for Rohingya people and establish an independent Rohingya state within Arakan state while the central rulers, authorities and majority ethnic/religious group continues to segregate and push out the Rohingya people.
3) According to the responsibility to protect, the UN and its member countries should enforce appropriate conditions that ensure aid delivery reach the hands of victims on the ground in Arakan state, Shan state, Kachin state and other areas.
4) Myanmar should immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners and thousands of Rohingya detained in and outside Arakan state.
5) Myanmar should immediately stop waging wars in Shan, Kachin states and other areas.
6) Myanmar should immediately cease segregation, discrimination and ethnic cleansing against Rohingya and other minorities including those from 42 concentration camps in Arakan state.
7) Myanmar should immediately lift the blockade on international aid supply in Arakan state, Shan state, Kachin state and other areas.

For media contact:
Habib +(61) 406 310077

Monday, 26 October 2015

Exclusive: 'Strong evidence' of genocide in Myanmar

Source Aljazeera,

see via the link

Al Jazeeras Investigative Unit has uncovered what amounts to "strong evidence" of a genocide coordinated by the Myanmar government against the Rohingya people, according to an assessment by Yale University Law School.
The Lowenstein Clinic spent eight months assessing evidence from Myanmar, including documents and testimony provided by Al Jazeera and the advocacy group Fortify Rights.
"Given the scale of the atrocities and the way that politicians talk about the Rohingya, we think it's hard to avoid a conclusion that intent [to commit genocide] is present," concluded the clinic.
Exclusive evidence obtained by Al Jazeeras Investigative Unit and Fortify Rights reveals the government has been triggering communal violence for political gain by inciting anti-Muslim riots, using hate speech to stoke fear among the Myanmarese about Muslims, and offering money to hardline Buddhist groups who threw their support behind the leadership.
As the first fully contested general election in 25 years approaches on November 8, eyewitness and confidential documentary evidence obtained by Al Jazeera reveals that the ruling, military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has attempted to marginalise Muslims and target the Rohingya.
Al Jazeera has made several requests for comment to the Myanmar President's office and government spokespeople but has not received any response.
Genocide Agenda
The investigation, presented in a new documentary, Genocide Agenda, consults legal and diplomatic experts on whether the governments campaign amounts to systematic extermination.
The University of Londons Professor Penny Green, director of the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI)m said: "President Thein Sein (USDP) is prepared to use hate speech for the government's own ends, and that is to marginalise, segregate, diminish the Muslim population inside Burma.
"It's part of a genocidal process."
An independent report by the ISCI concluded that riots in 2012, which saw conflicts between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims erupt, were pre-planned. The violence saw scores killed, and tens of thousands of people displaced after several thousand homes were burned.